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Paris 1919: Six Months That Changed the World, by Margaret MacMillan
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National Bestseller
New York Times Editors’ Choice
Winner of the PEN Hessell Tiltman Prize
Winner of the Duff Cooper Prize
Silver Medalist for the Arthur Ross Book Award
of the Council on Foreign Relations
Finalist for the Robert F. Kennedy Book Award
For six months in 1919, after the end of “the war to end all wars,” the Big Three—President Woodrow Wilson, British prime minister David Lloyd George, and French premier Georges Clemenceau—met in Paris to shape a lasting peace. In this landmark work of narrative history, Margaret MacMillan gives a dramatic and intimate view of those fateful days, which saw new political entities—Iraq, Yugoslavia, and Palestine, among them—born out of the ruins of bankrupt empires, and the borders of the modern world redrawn.
- Sales Rank: #12841 in Books
- Published on: 2003
- Released on: 2003-09-09
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.16" h x 1.36" w x 6.10" l, 1.33 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 624 pages
From Publishers Weekly
A joke circulating in Paris early in 1919 held that the peacemaking Council of Four, representing Britain, France, the U.S. and Italy, was busy preparing a "just and lasting war." Six months of parleying concluded on June 28 with Germany's coerced agreement to a treaty no Allied statesman had fully read, according to MacMillan, a history professor at the University of Toronto, in this vivid account. Although President Wilson had insisted on a League of Nations, even his own Senate would vote the league down and refuse the treaty. As a rush to make expedient settlements replaced initial negotiating inertia, appeals by many nationalities for Wilsonian self-determination would be overwhelmed by rhetoric justifying national avarice. The Italians, who hadn't won a battle, and the French, who'd been saved from catastrophe, were the greediest, says MacMillan; the Japanese plucked Pacific islands that had been German and a colony in China known for German beer. The austere and unlikable Wilson got nothing; returning home, he suffered a debilitating stroke. The council's other members horse-traded for spoils, as did Greece, Poland and the new Yugoslavia. There was, Wilson declared, "disgust with the old order of things," but in most decisions the old order in fact prevailed, and corrosive problems, like Bolshevism, were shelved. Hitler would blame Versailles for more ills than it created, but the signatories often could not enforce their writ. MacMillan's lucid prose brings her participants to colorful and quotable life, and the grand sweep of her narrative encompasses all the continents the peacemakers vainly carved up. 16 pages of photos, maps.
Copyright 2002 Cahners Business Information, Inc.
From Library Journal
In an ambitious narrative, MacMillan (history, University of Toronto) seeks to recover the original intent, constraints, and goals of the diplomats who sat down to hammer out a peace treaty in the aftermath of the Great War. In particular, she focuses on the "Big Three" Wilson (United States), Lloyd George (Great Britain), and Clemenceau (France) who dominated the critical first six months of the Paris Peace Conference. Viewing events through such a narrow lens can reduce diplomacy to the parochial concerns of individuals. But instead of falling into this trap, MacMillan uses the Big Three as a starting point for analyzing the agendas of the multitude of individuals who came to Versailles to achieve their largely nationalist aspirations. Following her analysis of the forces at work in Europe, MacMillan takes the reader on a tour de force of the postwar battlefields of Asia and the Middle East. Of particular interest is her sympathy for those who tried to make the postwar world more peaceful. Although their lofty ambitions fell prey to the passions of nationalism, this should not detract from their efforts. This book will help rehabilitate the peacemakers of 1919 and is recommended for all libraries. Frederic Krome, Jacob Rader Marcus Ctr. of the American Jewish Archives, Cincinnati
Copyright 2002 Cahners Business Information, Inc.
From Booklist
Virtually all historians agree that the Versailles Peace Conference was a monumental failure that set the stage for the outbreak of World War II. However, there is no consensus regarding the causes of that failure. Some blame Woodrow Wilson and his high-minded but absurdly impractical ideals; others blame the cynicism and narrow nationalism of Lloyd George and Clemenceau. MacMillan is a professor of history at the University of Toronto and the great-granddaughter of Lloyd George. Her narrative and analysis of the critical first six months of the negotiations will not end the controversy. However, this engrossing and inevitably depressing account is a vital contribution to efforts at understanding the deeply flawed agreements that emerged. At times, MacMillan's recounting of the minutiae of negotiations can be overwhelming, but the great accomplishments of this work are her perceptive and eloquent depictions of the key players in the conference. Of course, Wilson, as the dominant force, is at the center of her account, and she convincingly tarnishes his image as a great statesman. He was often insufferably rigid and arrogant, and his espousal of frustratingly vague concepts like "self-determination" often confused even his own advisors. For those who seek a deeper understanding of one of history's most tragic failures, this book is a treasure. Jay Freeman
Copyright © American Library Association. All rights reserved
Most helpful customer reviews
4 of 4 people found the following review helpful.
A great story well told, and then a letdown
By Arthur R. Silen
I agree wholeheartedly with the positive review others have given Ms MacMillan's book. Regrettably, her analysis and conclusions are superficial, and, although I hesitate to say it, cliches. Yes, indeed, the statesmen and their assistants and experts worked hard and well to redraw the maps of the world; that they ultimately failed in their principal objectives was not merely because other men subsequently made decisions that failed to enforce the treaty. Ms MacMillan writes at length about Great Britain's promises to everyone coming home to roost, whether to the Italians, the Japanese, the Arabs, the Jews, in fact, almost anyone who they perceived could help them win the war. Like the situation famously depicted in "The Producers", success proved their undoing. It was forseeable that the British Empire would become the hollow shell it did, most particularly in the Far East, staffed and managed by second-raters, that, a mere twenty-three years later, immediately collapsed when confronted the Japanese army half its size. The French collapse in May, 1940, while even more dramatic, in fact starred many of the same characters. Both the British and the French knew in 1919 that they lacked the resources to enforce a punitive peace, and yet they went ahead with a treaty that was bound to come back to bite them. In 1940, Germany came back with a ferocity that forced France to sue for peace in less than three weeks; and the British barely escaped losing their entire army. That should tell us something about the essential flaws in the Paris accord. Woodrow Wilson's dream, the League of Nations, proved to be a moderate success in the interlude between wars; but again, it provided mostly a forum for conducting routine diplomatic business. In short, Both Britain and France lost their nerve, and that was evident from the moment the fighting stopped. For their part, the Americans early on concluded that they had been played for suckers by the British and the French, and refused to participate in the League, or to assist in maintaining peace in Europe. The Neutrality Act and other restrictive legislation in the late 1930's was a direct consequence of attitudes that were formed by the American public after the war. That judgment was essentially correct, although the response inevitably created a much more dangerous situation than it might have been. Contrast the interwar period with the Cold War, which ended decisively in favor of the West. While some gloated over the Soviet Union's collapse, our government's primary response was to provide economic and political support to its fallen adversary. Could that have been done in 1919, maybe, but no one made an effort to even try. One might have thought that the British were smarter than that; but perhaps it took a virtual defeat to drive the point home.
0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
Very good book
By David J. Corsi
Detailed book that showed the impossibility of central planning whether by a 3rd rate dictator or the super power's leaders.
43 of 47 people found the following review helpful.
A highly readable revisionist look at the peace conference
By ReaderDeluxe
This book is another fine narrative history in same vein as Robert Massey's Dreadnought, and Alistair Horne's The Price of Glory: Verdun 1916. If you have an interest in the Great War and want history to come alive on the page, this book is one for you.
In the introduction Professor MacMillan says; "For six months in 1919, Paris was the capital of the world. The Peace Conference was the world's most important business, the peacemakers its most important people." The six-month session in Paris that took place between January and June1919 and involved representatives of 29 countries drew many of the boundaries of Africa, the Middle East and the Balkans that exist to this day, recreated Poland, set the terms by which the major powers would attempt to live with one another and forged the model for the future United Nations, among many other things.
MacMillan tells the story by getting under the skins of the three primary actors, Woodrow Wilson, David Lloyd George and Georges Clemenceau. She presents them with all their flaws and qualities and does not judge whether they were good men or evil fools as they struggled with a task of monumental difficulty as best they could.
In the end, the author is writing what we may call a revisionist history of the subject. It has long been felt that the Peace Conference was a miserable failure, that narrow national and partisan interests ruled the peacemakers, that the terms offered to Germany were too harsh and contained within them the seeds of the next war. Wilson, George and Clemenceau have been excoriated over the years but Professor MacMillan holds that they have unfairly been made the scapegoats for the mistakes of those who came later. She refutes received ideas about the path from Versailles to World War II and debunks the widely accepted notion that reparations imposed on the Germans were in large part responsible for the Second World War. "Hitler did not wage war because of the Treaty of Versailles," MacMillan writes in her concluding chapter. Even if Germany had retained everything that was taken from it at Versailles, he would have wanted more: "the destruction of Poland, control of Czechoslovakia, above all the conquest of the Soviet Union" as well of course as the annihilation of the Jews.
This is true but it is incomplete. The issue isn't whether Hitler would have been less cruel and bloodthirsty if Versailles had been more equitable, but whether he and his maniacal regime would have come to power at all.
Margaret MacMillan is professor of history at the University of Toronto and the great-granddaughter of David Lloyd George.
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